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Gascon, Grand commerce et vie urbaine au XVI' siècle: Lyon et ses marchands Paris: Chartrou, Les entrées solennelles et triomphales à la Renaissance Paris: Lehoux, Les entrées royales françaises de à Paris: Entrées royales] Lyon, ; V.

Presses universitaires de Grenoble, , Along the route the royal visitor could view a séries of tableaux vivants called mystères or ystoires, in which allegorical characters acted out a saynète or playlet and addressed the royal guest in verse. Ail aspects of civic life in Lyon were represented in the parade: The basoche apparently did not participate in the entry, although they loomed large in other réceptions such as the entry to Lyon of the new governor, Jacques de Saint-André, in , or the jousting in ; but the other confréries, representing some twenty trades and half a dozen quartiers, provided the bulk of the manpower on parade.

However the prés- ence in Lyon of important foreign colonies engaged in commerce led to a significant différence from entries elsewhere in France, and we hâve to look to Antwerp for a parallel: Tricou, "Les enfants de la ville," Bulletin de la société littéraire, historique et archéologique de Lyon, 14 Duckworth, , Notable also in this entry was the inclusion of a river spectacle, with a ship being drawn with gold chains along the Rhône by a winged stag.

Much of the content was still religious and allegorical, but we note the inclusion of some classical material, including four short Latin inscrip- tions, and also an allied interest in the monumental, with the royal route lined at one point by eight columns. A remarkable shift of emphasis is seen in the three planned entries of May , when the queen Eleanor, the dauphin, and the legate cardinal Duprat were on successive days to be welcomed to Lyon on their way to Marseilles to meet Clément VII the legate's entry was finally cancelled.

Sijthoff, , Lecoq, François r imaginaire Paris: Macula, , , Entrées royales, ; for a récent reassessment see R. Cooper, "Humanism and Politics in Lyon in ," in P. Cambridge French Colloquia, , However, the conception and script of the ystoires are much more classical and scholar- ly than before, as is the iconography which owes much to the Hypnero- tomachia Poliphili.

An example of the new style is the tableau vivant at the Porte de Bourgneuf, set on a stage with Corinthian pillars and inscrip- tions in Greek, Hebrew, and Latin, portraying the royal children in bed emulating Hercules in strangling a snake, witnessed by the three figures of Fortune, Renommée and Sagesse with their humanist iconographical attributes. Furthermore the four isolated Latin inscriptions in the entry are meager compared with more than forty in the ceremony for the dauphin and over sixty in that for the queen.

A further différence in the entries is seen in the rôle of the con- fréries. Although following the popular insurrection, the Rebeyne, such associations had officially been banned in the interest of public order in Lyon, the edict was ignored for the entries, in which the guilds and quartiers turned out in great strength and in splendid costumes.

The contingent of enfants de la ville, sixty strong, went so far as to adopt a specifically military guise, dividing into two companies, one on foot and one mounted, and marching with a splendid new banner behind not an abbé but a captain, lieutenant, and porte-enseigne.

This did nothing to allay fears of the danger to the peace presented by thèse often unruly fraternities. There is no évidence of any ceremony marking the three-month stay at Lyon of the king and court in the summer of , which culminated in the gruesome exécution of Montecuculi, the supposed poisoner of the dauphin. However, a clear harbinger of the style of the entries is to be found in the triumphal welcome offered by the city in May to its new archbishop, Ippolito d'Esté, cardinal of Ferrara.

Guéraud, La Chronique lyonnaise, éd. Audinienne, , 31 [henceforth cited as Guéraud]; V. Saulnier, Maurice Scève Paris: Klincksieck, , 1: Rolle, "Bernard Salomon le petit Bernard , peintre et graveur sur bois," Archives de l'art français, Società di storia e d'arte in Villa d'Esté, , Entries to Lyon 5 take formai possession of his new see on the journey from Rome to take up résidence at court: Time did allow the decking of the streets and the making of sumptuous costumes for the city fathers.

The cortège entered the city from the south across the Pont du Rhône, the city fathers dressed in costly "robbes de taffetas cramoisin, saye de velours et pourpoints de satin cramoisy.

However, they made their présence felt by entering into a dis- pute over precedence with the clergy, who for fear of physical aristocrat- ie violence were obliged to withdraw from the procession and take ref- uge in the Hôtel-Dieu. Rubys, Histoire véritable de Lyon Lyon: Nugo, , Further junketings folio wed in the summer of , when the court stayed at the abbaye d'Ainay, where they were royally entertained by the abbot.

John the Baptist on 24 June The cortège remained three days in Lyon, during which time a solemn pro- cession was held through the city and a High Mass in Saint-Jean. Société des Biblio- philes Lyonnais, , [henceforth cited as Guigue]. Entries to Lyon 7 been transferred to the seneschal in following incidents of public disorder. An opportunity for a trial-run for the entry was provided early in when the governor Saint-André ordered the consulat to provide a grand welcome for the ambassadors of the Swiss cantons, who were on their way back from court after acting as godfathers to the king's new daughter.

The city fathers went out in procession to greet them, présents were offered and a great banquet was given in their honor, at which the enfants de la ville served and the civic musicians performed.

The Royal Itinerary François I" had made no formai entries since the emperor's progress through France in This cavalcade was to be marked on the part of the crown by a display of sartorial splendor and military might; and on the part of the towns on the route by démonstrations of loyalty and civic pride.

Catalogue des Actes de François F Pzris, , 2: Saulnier, "Gharles-Quint traversant la France: Les Fêtes de la Renaissance Paris: Petitot Paris, , Décrue, Anne, duc de Montmorency [. Early in a program was drawn up for the itinérant court to visit the eastern frontiers of France, Piedmont and Lyon, culminating in an intended inspection of the fleet at Marseille.

Ribier, Lettres et Mémoires d'Estat Paris: Clouzier, , 2: McFarlane [henceforth cited as McFarlane] Binghamton: Center for Médiéval and Early Renaissance Studies, , 15; cf. Bryant, The King, 31; D. This large number of entries contradicts the view that "une entrée est au XV? Berardier, La prinse d'un fort à l'entrée du roy Henry second de ce nom faicte en la ville de Beaulne Paris, J.

André, ; H. Meanwhile the king made a six-week tour, first of Savoy, then of Piedmont, and finally of Dauphiné on the return journey, planning to join up again with the court at Grenoble, before making the solemn entry to Lyon.

Dandino, , 14 Aug. Ercole II d'Esté was in the final stages of negotiating the projected marriage of his daughter Anna with François d'Aumale, planned to take place during the royal visit to Lyon. The French took great trouble to make a fuss over this francophile Italian prince.

The duke's brother, Ippolito d'Esté, cardinal of Ferrara, and the duc d'Aumale, the prospec- tive son-in-law, were sent "con bellissima compagnia" to meet Ercole at Villanova d'Asti and to escort him to Moncalieri, just south of Turin, where the constable Montmorency awaited him with infantry. After "un disnar sontuosissimo" the company traveled the three miles to the gâtes of Turin, where the king met the duke with an impressive array of cavalry and infantry, "gente bellissima et ben in ordine.

Miolo, Cronaca, in Miscellanea di Storia italiana fTurin, , 1: Préparations for the Entry There is abundant documentation in the Lyon municipal archives of the préparations for this entry.

But they also testify to a period of vigorous and créative activity which put together a highly innovative royal entry, and one which set the style for the rest of the reign. In May , soon after the coronation of Henri II, the consulat of Lyon had sent an embassy to swear loyalty and to seek confirmation of the city's privilèges.

Advance notice was first given early in May , when the king's visit to Piedmont was planned, and the consulat was instructed by both the cardinal of Ferrara and the governor of Lyon, Jean de Saint-André, to make préparations for an entry in about six weeks time as well as for the marriages of the duc de Ven- dôme and the duc d'Aumale. Rouillé, , fol. A2v [henceforth cited as Magnificence]; CAH, 2: However, the municipal coffers were empty: However no détails were yet given of the écha- fauds and ystoires, of the costumes and actors, which were to punctuate the royal progress; and at this stage the only rôle attributed to the local humanists, Maurice Scève, Guillaume du Choul, and Barthélémy Aneau, was to lend advice on the design and inscription of the gifts to be offered to the king and queen.

Baudrier, Bibliographie lyonnaise Lyon: Brun, , 9: A comparison of this program with the final livret '2 Lyon, arch. Préparations for the Entry 17 makes clear that, in the month since the entry had been announced, the organizers had come up with most of the key éléments of the final design, and that they had now conceived a highly original décor which owed little to traditional Lyonnais, or indeed French, models.

From the middle of June until mid-September work went on on thèse échafauds every day including Sundays, and as time went on, by night as well as day, by the light of torches.

An army of artists and craftsmen was recruited with their headquarters at the refectory and cloisters of the Augustinians' convent: Nonplussed, the consulat sent an embassy asking for a fixed date, bearing in mind the fragility of some of the décorations, and they were eventually given first the 19, then the 23 September, as the définitive date?

Maurice Scève and Claude Taillemont. Aneau, Du Choul and perhaps Taillemont, although there is no archivai confirmation of the latter's rôle. Aneau and Du Choul were consulted on inscriptions, and it will become apparent that Du Choul contributed to other aspects.

Scève was, however, the principal coordinator, having been given by the consulat "la peyne de la conduicte de l'entrée du roy Henry deuxiesme," and having been engaged, in return for a fee of fifty livres, to faire dresser les ystoires, composer les factures et inventions, aussi à faire besogner les painctres.

Préparations for the Entry 19 ystoires, and in the supervision of artists and craftsmen, Scève is only infrequently mentioned in the archives and we often hâve to fall back on surmise: The division of respon- sibility between Scève and Salomon is not totally clear; however, we hâve précédents of the collaboration of humanist and artist on similar projects: Vauzelles and Salvatori in , Scève, Meslier, and del Bene in Salomon began by making drawings of the proposed monuments and of the costumes, and then worked six or seven days a week for three months to ensure their completion on time.

No doubt his drawings pro- vided the basis for the engravings which were to adorn the final album. The two sculpted gifts for which Scève and his colleagues had provided the inscriptions were completed by the end of August, and they conformed closely to the original design. The notion of a naumachia seems to dérive from the tradi- tional Lyonnais mid-summer festival, the Fête des Merveilles, which, until its abolition in , had taken place each 24 June.

Paradin, Mémoires de l'histoire de Lyon Lyon, A. Gryphius, , [hence- forth cited as Paradin]; Bibliothèque municipale, Lyon: Bibliothèque Municipale, , ; Brooke, Thèse include 60 galliotz or mathellotz, who were employed for the full week of the entry; 10 maryniers who were just paid for the naval battle; and 14 patrons. Their uniforms were soon changed to red and blue: The workmen had to be bribed throughout with wine to work harder, and towards the end the team was working night and day and weekends to complète the job, and a new batch of craftsmen were added, the caulkers.

The accounts show regular deliveries of cords, awnings, pitch, canvas, shields, gun- powder, oars, and even lead counterweights for the oars. The only craft mentioned in the municipal accounts are the two large galleys, to which Scève in his livret was later to dedicate two enthusiastic pages and two wood- cuts.

Délie frégate vi n'erano due verdi e bianchi per la Regina et le sue dame; due cremesine per Madama Margherrita; et due verdi schiette per il cardinale di Ferrara. Ail this lavish expenditure by the city fathers does not give a com- plète picture of what was arranged for the king by way of aquatic enter- tainments: Havea dimandato certi calafà al priore di Capua per voler far' una fisolera, et ei non glie li volse dare; et la fece far' lui et la adornerà et la présentera a Sua Maestà.

De lî a pochi giorni che S. The two gondole, for instance, are described by Scève: Similarly, what Alavarotto and Scève describe as a brigantine was clearly something much smaller than the two-masted galleon conven- tionally understood by this term; Scève spécifies that it was decorated in crimson and gold, and that the crew wore red. In addition to thèse five vessels, the centerpiece of Ippolito's recon- struction in France of the Venetian regatta was a small-scale bucentaur which he apparently had built specially.

What was required was no less than a small floating banquet hall and ballroom, and the builders obliged with a rectangular classical pavillon, set upon a galliass with no means of propulsion which had to be towed. In the poop was a raised covered dais, painted in the royal colors, from which the king could watch both the river spectacle and the dancers in the pavillon. The gilt figurehead portrayed a giant holding a red rope between his teeth by which the bucentaur was puUed along by another vessel.

But the original feature of the vessel was the tall central pavillon topped by a balustraded platform which echoed the bal- ustrade enclosing the spacious deck below. The dimensions of this room, The balus- trade rested on an entablature embellished with eponymous lions' heads, supported on doric pilasters, the walls pierced by doors at each end and by Windows along the side with alternating segmentai and triangular pediments.

Apart from the king's dais, the bucentaur was painted bright red with the décorative features such as capitals, doors, window-frames, lions' heads, fleurs de lys, ail picked out in gold. We can therefore see that although the naval entertainment was a tradition in Lyon which the consulat did its best to maintain, nonetheless, most of the enterprise and the expenditure seems to hâve corne from Ippolito d'Esté, the moving spirit behind this aspect of the royal visit: Another feature associated with the river, and reminiscent of the jubilee of , was the need for an additional crossing of the Saône.

The contract for the building of the wooden bridge was awarded to Pierre Frerejehan, "marchand et garde des ports": The last élément in the program to be finalized was the one which was to open the entry, the grand procession. This was the most difficult to organize, since it involved the vanities of individuals, and it was also the aspect which departed least from traditional models. To make sure that the parade went smoothly and without disorder, the city enlisted the assistance of Saint-André.

As in earlier entries, they were marshalled by trades and quartiersP but to give the parade a more military flavor they were to be equipped with pikes, which were borrowed from the garrison of La Rigaudière with permis- sion of M. The influence of Du Choul is again in évidence hère: Dobbins, Music in Renaissance Lyons Oxford: Clarendon Press, , Theatrum Orbis Terrarum Ltd. The archives list thèse groups: Akin to the dispute between the clergy and the enfants de la ville, another dispute over prec- edence broke out in between two of the foreign colonies, the Genoese and the Florentines, the Genoese insisting on having the place of honor in the procession and refusing to allow the Florentines to pay homage to the king before them.

A simi- lar squabble was to occur between thèse colonies before Philip 's entry to Antwerp. A major problem facing the organizers was the question of lodgings for the king and court, and royal quartermasters were sent on ahead to réquisition accommodation, The king and queen were to be lodged in the Archevêché, which Ippolito d'Esté ceded to them for the duration, reserving for himself an apartment there with plenty of room for ban- quets. However, the quartermasters confiscated this apartment and allo- cated it to Marguerite de Navarre, consigning the cardinal to "cosî pic- ciolo et stretto alloggiamento che non vi si potea muover' dentro.

Rouillé, , fols. It was a full year after the entry before the accounts were closed and the loss written off. This cardinal had a particular penchant for masquerades, banquets, and jousts, and in the French court he found a ready public. See also the estimate of Saulnier, 1: We hâve already seen that much of the cost of the naval spectacle was born by Ippolito d'Esté. As archbishop of Lyon, the cost fell upon him of transforming and adorning the Archevêché, and notably that of decorating the main réception and banqueting room, where he had the walls hung with rich tapestries and the ceiling painted with royal arms and devises.

He does, however, make much of the victory column in the square outside the archbishop's palace, without mentioning the fact that this too was an initiative due to Ippolito d'Esté, as the Mantuan ambassador con- firms. The livret does, however, pay tribute to the cardinal's lavish transformation of his gardens at Rontalon, in a style which préfig- ures his later celebrated work on the gardens of Tivoli: It was hère on the Wednesday that he was to give yet another banquet and ball. One pièce of évidence points to the hand of Ippolito d'Esté in this major élément of the royal visit to Lyon, al- though he is not mentioned in this context in the livret.

The Salle Saint- Jean was situated next to the cathedral and was part of the archbishop's palace; only he would be able to authorize this transformation, about which the city's accounts are furthermore silent. The respective rôles of Ippolito and of the Florentine colony in fitting out the théâtre and in arranging the performance of La Calandra are discussed later.

While the king waited at La Côte-Saint-André, Ippolito hurried on ahead to Lyon to supervise last-minute préparations: Et poi dovendo egli [d'Urfé] partir subito fatta l'entrata di sua Maestà, et facendola ella domani, v.

The only contemporary estimate of the overall cost of the royal visit is given by the Ferrarese ambassador: Bryant, The King, The Parade Sunday, 23 September Despite bad weather earlier in the month, the Lyonnais were blessed with a fine cloudless day for the king's entry on Sunday 23 September. The munici- pality was closely following hère the pattern of the entry, for which queen Eléonore had taken up position in a loggia at Vaise to watch the procession. After the governor of Lyon, Jean de Saint-André, and some of the Lyonnais nobility had paid homage, as their predecessors had in , it was the unexpected turn of the Genoese, who had withdrawn from the procession itself because of their quarrel with the Florentines.

At noon the Lyonnais clergy arrived in rich vestments on muleback, and having deposited their banners at the couvent de l'Observance, they '" Alvarotto, busta 25, fol.

Et de la Royne Catherine son espouse Paris: A2v [henceforth cited as Le grand triumphe]; Conegrani, fol. The Mouton was the principal inn in Vaise and can be seen in a map in Guillemain, "Histoire de la commune de Vaise, faubourg de Lyon," Albums du Crocodile, Contrary to tradition, the religious élément was to be almost entirely absent from this entry: They were not the only conspicuous absentées, since, surprisingly, the large diplomatie corps following the court were also excluded from the entry, not having been invited.

The Parade 33 Estimâtes of the size of contingents differ widely. And so it goes on: Scève gives cartiers as against in Le grand tri- umphe; tailors as against ; goldsmiths as against 86; tissotiers as against a combined strength of veloutiers and tissotiers; carpenters as against ; saddlers compared with 80; cobblers against ; épingliers against ; hatters compared with 90; casters as against ; from the quartier of Saint- Vin- cent rather than ; furriers as against ; and printers com- pared with In only one case, the weavers, are the numbers given fairly close to ; and in only two cases does Le grand triumphe give a larger size for a contingent than Scève: Only in the cases of the harquebusiers and the butchers do we hâve the third estimate of Conegrani, and his figures agrée with the Le grand triumphe: The witnesses of the entry lay repeated stress on the large numbers and the discipline; but their chief interest is in the costumes — whether the colors, the material, or the embellishments— and in the arms and armour.

Virtually ail contingents sported the king's colors, black and white, in varions materials, velvet, satin, taffetas or silk; some flaunted variants such as silver or grey to replace white, and many enhanced the Common to most of the four lists we hâve: From this uniformity of color only the butchers stand out with their crimson strip.

As to the cap- tains, ensigns, and lieutenants of each troop, they wore the same colors as their followers, but in more costly materials and with more elaborate décoration and embroidery. Conegrani describes the goldsmiths and the printers as having the finest costumes, as was only appropriate to their professions which were, in his view, far removed from the other eight- een plebeian trades.

If the parade of the confréries was a traditional élément, that of the foreign merchants was no more innovative, and had figured in the entries, although in a différent position, namely between the enfants de la ville on foot and those on horseback.

In the order of thèse mer- chants had been first the Luccans, then the Florentines, then the Ger- mans, with no place for either the Genoese or the Milanese; but the same order was maintained in for the other three nations.

As in the case of the confréries, the organizers had tried to make the foreign con- tingents conform to the pattern of the whole parade. Thus to match the earlier ranks of three captains, each nation was preceded by three notables, a consul and two counsellors: YAtindiusz, Histoire de Lyon Lyon: Masson, , 1: The Parade 35 homage and undying dévotion in return for continuing protection of their interests. As in , the Luccans were preceded by four mounted pageboys, who showed off their skills at bareback acrobatie horsemanship; but this time they and their horses were dressed in the king's colors and in cos- tume evoking ancient Roman cavalry although the Mantuan ambas- sador thought the style Moorish.

In Scève's livret and in Conegrani's dispatch this antiquarian dress is described in admiring détail: Droz, , xvii, 5. As with the Luccans they were preceded by mounted pages, six in ail, four of them merely children, but ail dressed in the king's colors in embroidered tunics in cloth of silver with wide embroidered sleeves which attracted notice, as did their white hats and boots and the striking caparison of their horses.

Their contingent was completed in style by the consul and two counsellors, arrayed in the same colors but enhanced with cloth of gold. Scève passes very cursorily over the company of German mer- chants: A4v, says they wore the king's livery. Eight lackeys in black and white satin and silk led in the consul, his two counsellors, and the Genoese notables in pairs, ail dressed in cloth of silver and in black satin and velvet with gold buttons on the sleeves, and with ranks of further lackeys between each row of notables.

For the queen they were even more splendid, adding scarlet cloth of gold and velvet to their ensembles, and fitting their lackeys out in the régulation white and green. The propagan- da success of their efforts occupies many column inches in the reports of the entry, and in his livret Scève betrays his own préférences by devot- ing more space to the two Francophile contingents, the Luccans and the Florentine exiles.

In the officers of justice and of the sénéchaussée, together with the members of the parlement of the Dombes, had come earlier in the parade, between the clergy and the confréries; in they followed the nations and preceded the représentatives of the Lyonnais families. Notable among them were the twenty-five sergeants who kept order in the name of the cardinal archbishop, sporting his colors of red, white, and black and his impresa, and behind them some thirty royal offi- cers.

A4v; Alvarono, busta 25, fol. This livery, and in particular that of the captain of the footsoldiers, Claude Raveyrie, seems to hâve held a particular fascination both for the Mantuan ambassador and for Scève, who dévotes more than three pages to describing the costumes, accom- panying his description with the first engraving in his livret, that of the captain.

While the latter's colors conformed broadly to those of the van- guard ahead and of the main troop behind him, the eut of his own cos- tume was slightly différent, notably in the sleeves, and much more ornate, being covered with embroidery, pearls, gold stars and silver cres- cents. Some observers put the numbers lower, at 80 in the vanguard and 80 others: Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. Le grand triumphe, fol. B; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. The Parade 39 the king's colors.

But the intention to remind the king of Lyon's history as a Roman colony cannot be doubt- ed, as later inscriptions were to confirm. Hère we come across an enigma: The enigmatic élément lies in the fact that no other witness makes any mention of this interlude, let alone of its success.

And yet we hâve aiready seen that the consulat had hired a dozen swordsmen, at the sug- gestion of Scève himself; one wonders whether Scève has exaggerated the success of an élément which only one other contemporary source, Sauvage, sees fit to mention. The red and white teams, of six swordsmen each, took part in a suc- cession of duels using modem weapons, but with the intention of imitat- ing classical gladiatorial techniques.

The novelty consisted in matching différent weapons, pike against two-handed sword, or sword and dagger against sword and buckler; or in having duels of two against two, three against three, or even six against six in gênerai mêlée. Weapons were broken in the fierce ardor of combat, and the spectacle so pleased the king that he asked for it to be repeated later in the week.

It has been argued persuasively that what was performed hère was an attempted reconstruction of the classical pyrrhic dance described by authorities such as Plato, Lucian, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. C2; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. Lalanne Paris, , 3: McGowan, "A Renaissance war dance: The second is the fact that one of the organizers, Du Choul, when writing about the pyrrhic in a passage on Augustus' funeral, described the dance not as a gladiatorial exercise, but as a horse-ballet.

Semblablement les coches couroyent alentour, gardants un mesme ordre, dessus lesquelles estoyent montez les cochiers et gouverneurs de ces chars, accoustrez et vestus de pourpre, comme veloux cramoisy, portants masques sur le visaige, qui retiroyeni aux Capitaines et Ducs Romains, des Princes et des Empereurs du temps passé, qui suyvoyent l'ordonnance des autres. B; Alvarotto, busta 25, fols. C4v-D; Le grand triumphe, fol. L'entrée de la Royne, cit. The Parade 41 and valets on foot, some attachée!

D2r-v; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. For the rest of the pro- cession he was to ride under this canopy flanked by eight squires dressed in white. D2v; Le grand triumphe, fol. Bv; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. Alvarotto mixes up Boisy with Saint-André as to which one was representing Montmorency. F; Alvarotto, busta 25, fol. Henri's final arrivai at the embarcadère behind the cathedral marked the terminus of the triumphal entry and the close of the day's public entertain- ment, since night had fallen.

He was able to see from the port the flotilla of ships which had foUowed him along the Saône right from Vaise to the cathedral; he was also able to look across to La Rigaudière, the arsenal on the opposite bank from which a salvo had been fired when he arrived at the cathedral.

The evening was now completed with a dinner in the archbish- op's palace, after which the ladies of Lyon, so admired by the courtiers according to Brantôme, were invited to a reception.

Architecture and Iconography The visual thème of this entry was the re-creation of a Roman town- scape such as might hâve been seen in Lugdunum. With the aid of some judicious démolition work, the planners were able to clear sites in which to create in little more than a hundred days an antiquarian setting appro- priate for Henri's triumphal progress: On the canopy see Bryant, The King, , Joukovsky, "Lyon ville imaginaire," in A. Edizioni dell'Ateneo, , 1: Sharratt, "The imaginary city of Bernard Salomon," in P.

Intellectual life in Renaissance Lyon Cambridge: Cambridge French CoUoquia, , Architecture and Iconography 45 i. The obelisk The opening section of the triumphal procession led through open fields from Vaise, past the couvent de l'Observance, along the river to the castle of Pierre-Scize, which stood on a hill overlooking the Saône.

As the king set off in this direction, a flotilla of ships also moved off along the Saône, keeping pace with the royal party as it moved though the city, and joining up with the procession at the three ports along the route. A variant on the Vatican model was introduced by replacing the sphère on the summit with the royal crescent. The lower part of the shaft was painted with varions Henrican devices: Unlike the later Parisian obelisk and the earlier one, which were more closely modeled on the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili, no attempt was made hère to portray hieroglyphs or anything with an Egyptian flavor: On two sides of the obelisk, not illustrated in the woodcut, there were compartments surrounded by gro- tesques, and portraying Victories, with the usual attributes of festoons and palm branches.

Beneath them were figures of what Scève describes as Dis- cords or Furies, with butterfly wings pattemed with eyes, and who were ' Lyon, arch. The obelisk and portai were being erected in early September, ibid. There is also a woodcut of various obelisks in S. Marcolini, , Ixvii. The obeHsk was supported by four Hons resting on a pedestal twelve feet high: Arch at Pierre-Scize At the foot of the hill stood the gâte of Pierre-Scize, which the planners had decorated as the first triumphal arch of the Entry, in ému- lation of the arches in the earHer and entries to Lyon.

This arch attachedto the porte de Pierre-Scize differs from later ones in having pairs of twisted columns made of wood, according to Conegrani, and painted with foliage. Conegrani describes them as a woman with a lion repre- senting Lyon welcoming a woman wearing the king's crescent symbol representing either the king or his mistress. Droz, , col. Manutius, , fol. Kerver, , fol.

McFarlane, Cambridge , But the picture does not show the inscriptions which we know completed the décoration. Arch at Bourgneuf A short distance along the riverside from Pierre-Scize, the procession reached the city walls and the first city gâte, the fausse-porte de Bour- gneuf, situated between the hill and the Saône.

The thème of ruined anti- '' See below, Inscriptions. I cannot trace any relief or inscription: Holford-Strevens, Aulus Gellius London: Duckworth, , n. This wall was decorated to look Hke the Gallo-roman circuit walls in France, which had been hastily built in the third century out of the ruins of the suburbs under threat of barbarian invasion: In this médiéval fausse-porte had been decorated as a triumphal arch dedicated to Fides ândAmor, before which a long mystère had been enacted; in the gâte was again decorated, this time with three fig- ures.

The only part to be made out in Salomon's engraving is Jean Per- réal and Nicolas Leclerc's earlier royal coat of arms, supported by a lion and flanked by richly dressed angels holding an inscription. Instead, however, of decorating the gâte itself as a triumphal arch, the planners decided to build a huge arch up against it, similar in style to the portail of Pierre-Scize but much more magnificent, with pairs of fluted Corinthian columns divided by niches containing statues, the whole topped by an inscription flanked by two more niches and a pedi- ment covering the whole width of the arch.

B3 and by Conegrani who says 20 braccia - 13 meters. B3, thought it was Pallas and that the shield bore the head of Médusa; cf. Du Choul, Religion, ; Tervarent, col.

The design seems to dérive from one of the columns in Rome, of which Du Choul had provided a reconstruction similarly topped by a stat- ue.

The tall pedestal, made of wood painted to look like white marble decorated in gold— or according to Conegrani in black and white— is shown in the engraving to hâve a deep entablature and base, and to bear an inscription. On each side of its base were set winged statues, one of Time and one of Famé, both possibly inspired by Petrarch's Trionfi. B3v; but Conegrani, fol. Scève translates ail this as signifying that immortality could be achieved either by arms or by letters.

Double arch of Saint-Paul The next sites, the ports of Saint-Paul and Saint-Éloy, had been chosen because each square opened on to the river, upon which the king could see the flotilla keeping abreast of his progress. Although Scève describes it as a double triumphal arch, it is more properly a grotto or even a monumental fountain, made up of a double lonic arch containing the statues of the city's.

A fountain flowing wine was not an uncommon feature in entries and had been used in , but it is hère incorporated into a gilded wooden construction of classical inspiration, made up of two coffered arches between three fluted lonic pilasters. B4v, and by Conegrani, fols. Alciati, Emblematum libellus Paris: Wechel, , no. Joukovsky, "Lyon ville imaginaire," 1: Each arch was transformed into a grotto by the placement of trees and rocks, out of which came artificial birdsong, and against which leaned two half-naked reclining stucco figures, larger than life-size: Thus we hâve hère a neo-classical fantasy transposed into a small médiéval square.

The influence of Du Choul can again be identified in the design, since he had been inter- ested in the Roman Templum Honoris et Virtutis and was to publish a section in on its portrayal in coins , notably on the coupling in the same shrine of thèse two qualities: This double-fronted arch, built of wood and canvas, was sixty " Conegrani, fol. Garnier frères, , Sharratt, "The imaginary city.

Although the monument passes for being a classical triumphal arch, there is no obvious model for a building with a platform and gazebo superimposed upon an arch, and its architectural inspiration is more akin to Renaissance attempts to reconstruct from coins the mausoleum of Hadrian: By con- trast, Salomon illustrâtes between the pairs of herms a panel decorated with classical weapons, which the other sources do not mention.

Their heads supported an entablature bearing an inscription, upon which rested the pediment containing three figures: Alciati, Livret des emblèmes Paris: Roville, , The square rusticated platform raised above the arch was embelHshed with a frieze: However, in his livret Scève tries to Hnk the frieze more closely to the dedication of the temple, and sees the northern façade as representing the triumph of Honor, and the south side the triumph of Virtue.

The mention of éléphants and the inscription, which Scève alone records, show that Scève wanted to link this triumph not with Caesar but with Alexander's campaign in In- dia. The flat summit of the platform with its balustrade — which Scève compares to classical hanging gardens— provided a gallery from which a consort of shawm players in costumes all'antica could sérénade the king.

Salo- mon's engraving merely shows a coffered vault; however. Conegrani spécifies that the walls were painted on one side with a scène of the king's birth, and on the other his récent coronation. The female figure brandishing a sword signifies Reason; the maie figure with drawn bow is penetrating Sensé; and their enemies symbolize Violence, Ignorance, and Bestiality.

Perspective at the Change A short distance from Saint-Éloy along the rue de Flandres was the place du Change, the heart of commercial Lyon, though the Italian mer- chants had temporarily decamped to Saint-Éloy. Hère in a huge temple had been built imitating the Roman altar of the Three Gauls, and in a less ambitions but highly original structure was placed, a painted perspective before which a mystère was enacted.

A further link with Serlio lies in the design the architect was to submit for the new Exchange building on the site. The architecture in Salomon's woodcut does not attempt to recreate an ancient city, but reflects contemporary Florentine or Roman style: There is nothing hère to suggest Troy.

The only immédiate eye-witness account of the perspective is that of Conegrani, who gives a totally différent reading of the scenery. Occasio at the Grand Palais The procession was now nearing the cathedral, and entered the grand'rue Saint-Jean, along which three monuments had been erected. The center of the monument was an antique vase from which rose a tall Corinthian column crowned by a golden fleur de lys. The vase was decorated with gilded dragons, a festoon, a mask, and an inscription; the Moresque ornamentation on the column was made up of various royal devices Hke the crowned H and pairs of bows.

This attribute was common to Occasio and Fortune, as was the veil carried by this statue. Scève makes no such comment, but as he stresses the royal devices on the column we might see the chain as showing that Fortune was bound to favor France.

This is supported by the globe held in her right hand, which she offers to the king as a token of his oppor- tunity to win mastery of the world. As on the arch at Saint-Éloy, the façade is made up of four herms, alternating maie and female, between seven grotesque panels.

Thèse herms are maie and female satyrs seen already under the vault of the earlier arch , but hère they seem to be associated less with vice than with nature and fertility: Cv and by Conegrani, fol. Cv says "en Moresque"; La Magnificence, fol. G4v, calls it "damasquine. Cv, spécifies that the globe showed Europe. Salomon also differs in his depiction of the frieze, which in his eut carries arabesque motifs, rather than the three tondi and the stag and deer heads mentioned by Scève: On one side of the apse he describes a tondo showing the seated figure of Ops or Cybele , the wife of Saturn, wearing a mural crown and holding a tree-laden mountain: On the other side is a tondo showing Amphitrite, wife of Neptune, sitting on a whale with a ship in her lap, pouring water from a vase: Thèse décorative motifs evidently allude to Henri's love for hunting.

One final différence between Scève and Salomon con- cerns the concluding inscription about everlasting empire, which the woodcut shows on the vase, whereas Scève claims it ran along the plat- form upon which the whole monument stood. Conegrani himself gives a quite différent inscription, an Italian ottava foreseeing the return of the Age of Gold: In the fifteenth-century entrance to the cloisters of Saint- Jean, known as Porte-froc, had been decorated with a triumphal arch placed against the gateway.

This feature was revived in when an antique portai was erected hère, which Scève mentions only briefly, and which was not engraved by Salomon; however, Conegrani was im- pressed by it, judging it to be "un arco bellissimo et molto ben fatto. According to French sources, the columns supported an entablature with an arch above containing three seated figures and with a pediment above to crown it ail. The figures are described by the Le grand triumphe as "troys personnes parlantes," which might suggest statues or even actresses; but two of them are then revealed to be "figures paintes en l'Architecture," and therefore clearly paintings.

The central figure, per- haps a statue, is Religion wearing a nun's black habit; on each side of her are Faith holding a chalice and dressed in white, and Hope dressed in green: In thèse three figures we hâve a rare appearance of a religions élément in the iconography, appropriate to this section of the itinerary on ecclesiastical soil. In the arch had incor- porated the coats of arms of the king and the queen: We see therefore that Scève and Le grand triumphe concur in their description of this arch, with such similarity of wording that Scève may be thought to hâve borrowed his description from the earlier bulletin.

But Conegrani confirms none of thèse détails: And instead of the royal arms at the top, he reports that there were the king's devices of silver crescent and a crowned H. Du Choul's manuscript fol. The pedestal had four decorated panels, bearing an inscription on one and trophies painted to look like bronze on the other three faces.

On each corner of the pedestal was a traditional médiéval feature, the seated figures of the four cardinal virtues— prudence, tempérance, forti- tude, and justice, four female statues holding long lighted torches. Ippolito d'Esté had also lavished money on the archbishop's palace, which was to be the center of the entertainments for the following week.

Like Porte-froc, the doorway of the palace had been transformed into a classical portai, which, perhaps unfortunately, reiterated some of the earlier thèmes of the municipal section of the entry. Three figures were placed above the doorway, the central one being the eponymous lion, and on either side a maie and a female fluvial god embracing each other and representing the city's two confluent rivers, with an appropri- ate inscription and with vases pouring water.

C2; however, Conegrani, fol. C2, which calls it a "pomme de diverses couleurs. C2, and by Conegrani, fol. Architecture and Iconography 61 was a figure, probably painted on a flat: Similarly, the religious inspiration of the décoration of the precinct is at odds with the triumphant classi- cism of the rest of the entry.

It may be significant that Salomon chose only to illustrate two of the five décorative initiatives undertaken by Ippolito d'Esté and the canons. The two further éléments within the area of the cathedral were the interior décoration of the Archevêché and the Port Saint-fean.

Ippolito had decided to embellish the great hall inside the palace to transform it into a banqueting chamber. Conegrani merely tells us that he had added "infiniti ornamenti;" but Scève speaks of the rich tapestries with which the room was hung, of the seven chandeliers decorated with silver cres- cents, and more particularly of the work done to the ceiling, which was painted with the varions royal monograms and devices, including bows, crescents, and the coats of arms of the king and the dauphin.

The port behind the cathedral was to serve as the chief embarkation point for the week's entertainment, and so received an appropriate face- lift.

We hâve three descriptions of this décor: Scève's livret, Conegrani's despatch, and Salomon's woodcut. Ippolito started from the fact that one médiéval crenellated stone tower existed already, part of the défen- ses of the cathedral precinct and clearly seen in an illuminated manu- script of Pierre Sala. Between the towers he constructed a flight of sixteen steps leading down to the water, basing the design precisely on Serlio's description of the exedra at the Belvédère: Sala, Les prouesses de plusieurs Roys, BN, ms.

Conegrani adds two final détails not indicated by Scève or Salomon: Inscriptions In the Lyonnais had given the entries of the queen and the dauphin a particular antiquarian flavor, seen in the choice of monu- ments, in allusions to the history of Lyon, and most of ail in the inclu- sion of Latin inscriptions in the décor: In this antiquari- an flavor and massive humanist érudition was further developed in the design of monuments; we will now see that epigraphic material simulta- neously assumed such prominence as to contain much of the propaganda message of the ceremony, and to set the style for the forthcoming entries at Paris and Rouen.

I [henceforth cited as F. Inscriptions 63 erary, epigraphic, and numismatic sources they drew this material, and how it underscores the message of the monuments, ail of which were embellished with inscriptions. It is also striking to note which inscrip- tions, recorded by other sources, Scève chose to omit or replace in his final album.

The shaft of the obelisk at Pierre-Scize bore the first of many Latin inscriptions which were to mark this entry: Munatius Plancus, governor and re founder of Lyon. The modem cuit of Plancus had been initiated in Basel in where a statue of him had been erected as founder both of Basel Raurica and Lyon, and the Lyonnais planners no doubt knew of this work.

But they, by contrast, are rejecting the idea of the Romans having founded Lyon, and they limit their praise of Plancus to that of having rebuilt and restored the earlier Gaulish city, in the same way that Henri II had, by his victories, not founded France but restored her to honor. In this they are echoing the insistence of Symphorien Champier on the great antiquity of Lyon, an argument used not only against the Romans, but also against the pretensions of Paris to a degree of antiqui- ty commensurate with her modern-day hegemony.

B2v, which gives the variant "Restaurator Lugduni P. Dessau, Inscriptiones latinae selectae Berlin , or repr. Zurich, , 1: Seaby, , Cooper, "Humanistes et antiquaires à Lyon," in A. Edizioni dell'Ateneo, , This thème was reinforced in the epi- graphic material, made up of six inscriptions drawn from a variety of sources. The Mantuan ambassador Conegrani confirms the adapted Vir- gilian text, but he also records an additional Italian inscription which ran around the woman holding the lion therefore representing the city: Era scritto al disotto di esse "Sedes ubi fata quietas," et all'intor- no délia dal leone versi di questo soggetto: Hor chi potrebbe mai Narrar, scriver, pensare Colla lingua, la puenna o con la mente, Quanto contenta vai Donna, puoi che d'intrare Non s'è sdegnato in te il nobil crescente; Quai spirto homai, quai animal, quai gente Fia di te più felice?

Quai altra aima radice Abbellirà giardino Ch'al tuo sacro divino, Sicuro già da fulmini et tempeste. Non dia l'honor e Tubbidienza preste. Felice te per tanti frutti tui Ma molto più che se' piacciuta a lui. B2v, and Conegrani, fol. While it is not impossible that we hâve hère a translation of an earlier French poem, and that Cone- grani had a skilled poet on his staff, the complicated patterns of rhyme and rhythm in the Italian give the impression of a finished work.

In either case, Scève clearly seeks in his album to suppress the original ver- nacular éléments of the entry; is he perhaps also suppressing contribu- tions from the Italian community in the city? We will examine more examples shortly. The variety of inscriptions on the portai of Pierre-Scize is seen in the fact that they were not only drawn from Virgil but also from Roman coins. Thus one scroll beside the pediment bore the words: Mitchell, A Renaissance entertainment Columbia: On the reverse of the arch, to accompany the painted reHef of Androcles and the Hon, by which the city invoked the king's generosity towards herself as the eponymous Hon, the planners choose a moral motto to underscore the message: Hère the king is invited to return the city's dévotion and lavish expenditure on his entry with gên- erons favor, no doubt by the confirmation of the traditional privilèges and in the alleviation of récent burdensome taxes.

Though the portai of Pierre-Scize bore six inscriptions, the arch at Bourgneuf surpassed it, sporting no less than ten. As the first main gâte of Lyon, and the point where Henri was welcomed by the city fathers, this triumphal arch was the place for the main message of welcome, very loosely imitating that inscribed on Roman arches.

This principal inscrip- tion is given by Scève as reading: The inscription is not, however, original to Lyon, but has been rather crude- ly adapted from the Florentine entry, where on the first arch, to welcome the new duchess, was written: Eleanor by Henri, excised the central allusion to fecundity and to the Medici, and inserted the usual refrain of Lyon as a Roman colony.

The plagiarism, as well as the irony of recycling Medici propaganda, cannot hâve been lost on the readers of the Italian édition of the album, The rest of the décoration of the arch is made up of statues accompa- nied by appropriate inscriptions, an arrangement common to the rest of the entry. To each side of this main inscription were the figures of Mars and Jupiter, which introduce the thèmes of conquest and world empire. Under Mars is the Virgilian inscription: In the tympanum sat Diana holding a crescent moon bearing the words: The rest of the décoration is made up of four statues of Bellona, Victoria, Pax, and Concordia, accompanied by appropriate inscriptions.

It would appear that the inscriptions are embellishments added later by Scève for the benefit of the readers of his album, and more significantly, as substitutes for original vernacular poems. Pablo Picasso con le sue Donne di Algeri, l'11 Maggio distrugge tutti i record con ,4 milioni di dollari,. Alto è poi il numero delle donne, che supera alquanto quello degli uomini.

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video pono escort clermont Salo- mon's engraving merely shows a coffered vault;. YAtindiusz, Histoire de Lyon Lyon: B3v; but Conegrani, fol. A4v; Alvarono, busta 25, mamie anal fisteuse. Similarly, the width of the room 3 arches comes to 9. The Italian Théâtre For the queen they were even more splendid, adding scarlet cloth of gold and velvet to their ensembles, and fitting their lackeys out in the régulation white and green.

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We hâve seen that this riverside court, specially commissioned by the consulat, had been completed in good time. However, the original French poem bore only indirect relation to Scève's later motto, exalting instead the royal symbol of the crescent which Diana bore in the tympanum above, and which Bellona takes as her own emblem as well: Du Choul's manuscript fol. L'entrée de la Royne, cit. It is set in Garamond, smythe-sewn and printed on acid-free paper to library spécifications.

Although the monument passes for being a classical triumphal arch, there is no obvious model for a building with a platform and gazebo superimposed upon an arch, and its architectural inspiration is more akin to Renaissance attempts to reconstruct from coins the mausoleum of Hadrian: By con- trast, Salomon illustrâtes between the pairs of herms a panel decorated with classical weapons, which the other sources do not mention.

Their heads supported an entablature bearing an inscription, upon which rested the pediment containing three figures: Alciati, Livret des emblèmes Paris: Roville, , The square rusticated platform raised above the arch was embelHshed with a frieze: However, in his livret Scève tries to Hnk the frieze more closely to the dedication of the temple, and sees the northern façade as representing the triumph of Honor, and the south side the triumph of Virtue.

The mention of éléphants and the inscription, which Scève alone records, show that Scève wanted to link this triumph not with Caesar but with Alexander's campaign in In- dia. The flat summit of the platform with its balustrade — which Scève compares to classical hanging gardens— provided a gallery from which a consort of shawm players in costumes all'antica could sérénade the king.

Salo- mon's engraving merely shows a coffered vault; however. Conegrani spécifies that the walls were painted on one side with a scène of the king's birth, and on the other his récent coronation. The female figure brandishing a sword signifies Reason; the maie figure with drawn bow is penetrating Sensé; and their enemies symbolize Violence, Ignorance, and Bestiality. Perspective at the Change A short distance from Saint-Éloy along the rue de Flandres was the place du Change, the heart of commercial Lyon, though the Italian mer- chants had temporarily decamped to Saint-Éloy.

Hère in a huge temple had been built imitating the Roman altar of the Three Gauls, and in a less ambitions but highly original structure was placed, a painted perspective before which a mystère was enacted.

A further link with Serlio lies in the design the architect was to submit for the new Exchange building on the site. The architecture in Salomon's woodcut does not attempt to recreate an ancient city, but reflects contemporary Florentine or Roman style: There is nothing hère to suggest Troy. The only immédiate eye-witness account of the perspective is that of Conegrani, who gives a totally différent reading of the scenery.

Occasio at the Grand Palais The procession was now nearing the cathedral, and entered the grand'rue Saint-Jean, along which three monuments had been erected. The center of the monument was an antique vase from which rose a tall Corinthian column crowned by a golden fleur de lys. The vase was decorated with gilded dragons, a festoon, a mask, and an inscription; the Moresque ornamentation on the column was made up of various royal devices Hke the crowned H and pairs of bows.

This attribute was common to Occasio and Fortune, as was the veil carried by this statue. Scève makes no such comment, but as he stresses the royal devices on the column we might see the chain as showing that Fortune was bound to favor France. This is supported by the globe held in her right hand, which she offers to the king as a token of his oppor- tunity to win mastery of the world. As on the arch at Saint-Éloy, the façade is made up of four herms, alternating maie and female, between seven grotesque panels.

Thèse herms are maie and female satyrs seen already under the vault of the earlier arch , but hère they seem to be associated less with vice than with nature and fertility: Cv and by Conegrani, fol.

Cv says "en Moresque"; La Magnificence, fol. G4v, calls it "damasquine. Cv, spécifies that the globe showed Europe. Salomon also differs in his depiction of the frieze, which in his eut carries arabesque motifs, rather than the three tondi and the stag and deer heads mentioned by Scève: On one side of the apse he describes a tondo showing the seated figure of Ops or Cybele , the wife of Saturn, wearing a mural crown and holding a tree-laden mountain: On the other side is a tondo showing Amphitrite, wife of Neptune, sitting on a whale with a ship in her lap, pouring water from a vase: Thèse décorative motifs evidently allude to Henri's love for hunting.

One final différence between Scève and Salomon con- cerns the concluding inscription about everlasting empire, which the woodcut shows on the vase, whereas Scève claims it ran along the plat- form upon which the whole monument stood. Conegrani himself gives a quite différent inscription, an Italian ottava foreseeing the return of the Age of Gold: In the fifteenth-century entrance to the cloisters of Saint- Jean, known as Porte-froc, had been decorated with a triumphal arch placed against the gateway.

This feature was revived in when an antique portai was erected hère, which Scève mentions only briefly, and which was not engraved by Salomon; however, Conegrani was im- pressed by it, judging it to be "un arco bellissimo et molto ben fatto.

According to French sources, the columns supported an entablature with an arch above containing three seated figures and with a pediment above to crown it ail. The figures are described by the Le grand triumphe as "troys personnes parlantes," which might suggest statues or even actresses; but two of them are then revealed to be "figures paintes en l'Architecture," and therefore clearly paintings.

The central figure, per- haps a statue, is Religion wearing a nun's black habit; on each side of her are Faith holding a chalice and dressed in white, and Hope dressed in green: In thèse three figures we hâve a rare appearance of a religions élément in the iconography, appropriate to this section of the itinerary on ecclesiastical soil.

In the arch had incor- porated the coats of arms of the king and the queen: We see therefore that Scève and Le grand triumphe concur in their description of this arch, with such similarity of wording that Scève may be thought to hâve borrowed his description from the earlier bulletin. But Conegrani confirms none of thèse détails: And instead of the royal arms at the top, he reports that there were the king's devices of silver crescent and a crowned H.

Du Choul's manuscript fol. The pedestal had four decorated panels, bearing an inscription on one and trophies painted to look like bronze on the other three faces. On each corner of the pedestal was a traditional médiéval feature, the seated figures of the four cardinal virtues— prudence, tempérance, forti- tude, and justice, four female statues holding long lighted torches.

Ippolito d'Esté had also lavished money on the archbishop's palace, which was to be the center of the entertainments for the following week. Like Porte-froc, the doorway of the palace had been transformed into a classical portai, which, perhaps unfortunately, reiterated some of the earlier thèmes of the municipal section of the entry.

Three figures were placed above the doorway, the central one being the eponymous lion, and on either side a maie and a female fluvial god embracing each other and representing the city's two confluent rivers, with an appropri- ate inscription and with vases pouring water. C2; however, Conegrani, fol. C2, which calls it a "pomme de diverses couleurs. C2, and by Conegrani, fol. Architecture and Iconography 61 was a figure, probably painted on a flat: Similarly, the religious inspiration of the décoration of the precinct is at odds with the triumphant classi- cism of the rest of the entry.

It may be significant that Salomon chose only to illustrate two of the five décorative initiatives undertaken by Ippolito d'Esté and the canons.

The two further éléments within the area of the cathedral were the interior décoration of the Archevêché and the Port Saint-fean. Ippolito had decided to embellish the great hall inside the palace to transform it into a banqueting chamber. Conegrani merely tells us that he had added "infiniti ornamenti;" but Scève speaks of the rich tapestries with which the room was hung, of the seven chandeliers decorated with silver cres- cents, and more particularly of the work done to the ceiling, which was painted with the varions royal monograms and devices, including bows, crescents, and the coats of arms of the king and the dauphin.

The port behind the cathedral was to serve as the chief embarkation point for the week's entertainment, and so received an appropriate face- lift. We hâve three descriptions of this décor: Scève's livret, Conegrani's despatch, and Salomon's woodcut. Ippolito started from the fact that one médiéval crenellated stone tower existed already, part of the défen- ses of the cathedral precinct and clearly seen in an illuminated manu- script of Pierre Sala.

Between the towers he constructed a flight of sixteen steps leading down to the water, basing the design precisely on Serlio's description of the exedra at the Belvédère: Sala, Les prouesses de plusieurs Roys, BN, ms.

Conegrani adds two final détails not indicated by Scève or Salomon: Inscriptions In the Lyonnais had given the entries of the queen and the dauphin a particular antiquarian flavor, seen in the choice of monu- ments, in allusions to the history of Lyon, and most of ail in the inclu- sion of Latin inscriptions in the décor: In this antiquari- an flavor and massive humanist érudition was further developed in the design of monuments; we will now see that epigraphic material simulta- neously assumed such prominence as to contain much of the propaganda message of the ceremony, and to set the style for the forthcoming entries at Paris and Rouen.

I [henceforth cited as F. Inscriptions 63 erary, epigraphic, and numismatic sources they drew this material, and how it underscores the message of the monuments, ail of which were embellished with inscriptions. It is also striking to note which inscrip- tions, recorded by other sources, Scève chose to omit or replace in his final album. The shaft of the obelisk at Pierre-Scize bore the first of many Latin inscriptions which were to mark this entry: Munatius Plancus, governor and re founder of Lyon.

The modem cuit of Plancus had been initiated in Basel in where a statue of him had been erected as founder both of Basel Raurica and Lyon, and the Lyonnais planners no doubt knew of this work. But they, by contrast, are rejecting the idea of the Romans having founded Lyon, and they limit their praise of Plancus to that of having rebuilt and restored the earlier Gaulish city, in the same way that Henri II had, by his victories, not founded France but restored her to honor.

In this they are echoing the insistence of Symphorien Champier on the great antiquity of Lyon, an argument used not only against the Romans, but also against the pretensions of Paris to a degree of antiqui- ty commensurate with her modern-day hegemony.

B2v, which gives the variant "Restaurator Lugduni P. Dessau, Inscriptiones latinae selectae Berlin , or repr. Zurich, , 1: Seaby, , Cooper, "Humanistes et antiquaires à Lyon," in A. Edizioni dell'Ateneo, , This thème was reinforced in the epi- graphic material, made up of six inscriptions drawn from a variety of sources. The Mantuan ambassador Conegrani confirms the adapted Vir- gilian text, but he also records an additional Italian inscription which ran around the woman holding the lion therefore representing the city: Era scritto al disotto di esse "Sedes ubi fata quietas," et all'intor- no délia dal leone versi di questo soggetto: Hor chi potrebbe mai Narrar, scriver, pensare Colla lingua, la puenna o con la mente, Quanto contenta vai Donna, puoi che d'intrare Non s'è sdegnato in te il nobil crescente; Quai spirto homai, quai animal, quai gente Fia di te più felice?

Quai altra aima radice Abbellirà giardino Ch'al tuo sacro divino, Sicuro già da fulmini et tempeste. Non dia l'honor e Tubbidienza preste. Felice te per tanti frutti tui Ma molto più che se' piacciuta a lui. B2v, and Conegrani, fol. While it is not impossible that we hâve hère a translation of an earlier French poem, and that Cone- grani had a skilled poet on his staff, the complicated patterns of rhyme and rhythm in the Italian give the impression of a finished work.

In either case, Scève clearly seeks in his album to suppress the original ver- nacular éléments of the entry; is he perhaps also suppressing contribu- tions from the Italian community in the city? We will examine more examples shortly. The variety of inscriptions on the portai of Pierre-Scize is seen in the fact that they were not only drawn from Virgil but also from Roman coins. Thus one scroll beside the pediment bore the words: Mitchell, A Renaissance entertainment Columbia: On the reverse of the arch, to accompany the painted reHef of Androcles and the Hon, by which the city invoked the king's generosity towards herself as the eponymous Hon, the planners choose a moral motto to underscore the message: Hère the king is invited to return the city's dévotion and lavish expenditure on his entry with gên- erons favor, no doubt by the confirmation of the traditional privilèges and in the alleviation of récent burdensome taxes.

Though the portai of Pierre-Scize bore six inscriptions, the arch at Bourgneuf surpassed it, sporting no less than ten. As the first main gâte of Lyon, and the point where Henri was welcomed by the city fathers, this triumphal arch was the place for the main message of welcome, very loosely imitating that inscribed on Roman arches. This principal inscrip- tion is given by Scève as reading: The inscription is not, however, original to Lyon, but has been rather crude- ly adapted from the Florentine entry, where on the first arch, to welcome the new duchess, was written: Eleanor by Henri, excised the central allusion to fecundity and to the Medici, and inserted the usual refrain of Lyon as a Roman colony.

The plagiarism, as well as the irony of recycling Medici propaganda, cannot hâve been lost on the readers of the Italian édition of the album, The rest of the décoration of the arch is made up of statues accompa- nied by appropriate inscriptions, an arrangement common to the rest of the entry. To each side of this main inscription were the figures of Mars and Jupiter, which introduce the thèmes of conquest and world empire. Under Mars is the Virgilian inscription: In the tympanum sat Diana holding a crescent moon bearing the words: The rest of the décoration is made up of four statues of Bellona, Victoria, Pax, and Concordia, accompanied by appropriate inscriptions.

It would appear that the inscriptions are embellishments added later by Scève for the benefit of the readers of his album, and more significantly, as substitutes for original vernacular poems.

Conegrani clearly states that each statue was accompanied by a quatrain in French, not Latin, which he préserves in rhymed Italian translation. Scève insists that Bellona was accompanied by an apparently original Latin hexameter asserting that this goddess was devoted to Henri's cause: However, the original French poem bore only indirect relation to Scève's later motto, exalting instead the royal symbol of the crescent which Diana bore in the tympanum above, and which Bellona takes as her own emblem as well: Ne l'esser Dea, ne di Dio figlia, e a Dio Congionta mi dà nome infra la gente, Ma questa insegna qui del bel crescente Fa palese ad ogniun l'imperio mio.

However, the original French poem picked up the thème of the garden from the poem on the preceeding portai, and spécifies that the statue was offering him fronds of both palm and laurel, the second of which is lost in Scève's new text: Dal bel giardin dei Dei ti porto, Henrico, Pal ma, che verde ti fia sempre in mano, E lauro, puoi che in questo campo aprico Ti promette lo imperio d'ogni humano.

But the original quatrain had been more relevant to the iconography, alluding to the image of the crescent moon, hère seen as reflecting the light of the Hen- rician sun and overcoming dissension: Co'l lume di costui che mi dà il fuoco, Et preso in un l'orgoglio et il furore, Levaro homai dal mondo ogni Rancore Che con tal scorta havrô per tutto loco. Finally, for Scève, from Peace will flow Concord, whose statue is identi- fied by her attributes and by the hexameter: Vedete stretti in uno amor' e fede, Pace, tranquilità, fama e quiète, " Conegrani, fol.

Chichon, De adeptione regni et coronatione Henrici secundi Paris: David, , 61; Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica 6. The reeds represent the binding together of certain qualities already evoked in the inscriptions of the monuments: The last two lines pick up the Virgilian écho at Pierre-Scize about the king's sedes.

The pièces for Fax and Concordia also remind the observer of the iconography of the obe- lisk, where the king is seen as victorious over Discord and Furies. We are again left with the question, why did Scève suppress poems which were well integrated with the iconographical program and replace them with more neutral pièces? We hâve seen that the trophy at the Griffon was decorated with symbols of Victory and of Famé.

The pedestal bore a gênerai chiastic inscription expressing delight, on behalf of the whole of France, at the king's accession, and exploiting both sensés oifoelix, happy and fortu- nate: Scève records two further Virgilian lines which embellished thèse statues.

Time has the verse: B4, expands the abbreviations. Inscriptions 71 adapted from Jupiter's speech to Venus promising that no bounds will be set on the empire of Romulus, with the substitution of the singular for Henri. However, as in the case of the earlier arch, we discover from the Mantuan ambassador that thèse are later additions by Scève, and that the statues were originally accompanied by a huitain in French, of which we hâve an Italian translation: Non potrà mai drizzar si longe il volo Questo empio sprezzator délie opre santé Col cercar' de te po' fra l'altro stuolo Che ver?

Scève has clearly gone for brevity and for an extension of Virgilian impérial associations. The statues of Virtue and Immortality, standing on bases on either side of the trophy, each bear further poetic ornament. The figure of Virtue, seen capturing crowns and cities, introduces the line given by Scève and Le grand triumphe as: On the pedestal of Virtue's companion Immortality, seen associat- ed with arms and letters, is the following line: Drusi 56; Ovid, Tr. Henri's virtue will earn him immortality.

This inscription is inspired by the memory of the Ara Romae etAugusti, built at the confluence of the rivers and commemorated in inscriptions such as the one known to Lyonnais humanists in the church of Saint- Pierre-les-Nonnains.

Deutsche Akademie der Wissemschaften, , However, the engraving of Salomon does not support Scève hère, showing the garbled text: The dispatch of Conegrani gives yet a third text, claiming that the inscriptions, written above and not below the herms, read: There is less disagreement about the main inscription along the frieze, which echoes that associated with the herms, and unlike so many other literary réminiscences, attempts to imitate Latin epigraphic style: Of ail the witnesses only he describes below the architrave of the central plat- form the line: This inscription is matched for the scène of the triumph of Virtue with another hexameter about Henri 's monopoly of honors, for which there is no apparent source and which is preserved only by Scève: On the opposite wall, underneath the defeated enemies of Reason and Sensé, was written the sentiment, used elsewhere as a heral- dic motto: The connection must be that the défense of one's country is morally justified, and is not simply the use of brute force.

And yet Conegrani's description reveals that Scève has hère suppressed an earlier text, which originally gave a différent meaning and emphasis from the one his album later sought to bring out. Conegrani records a plaque bearing a poem put into the mouth of Sorte who is sitting outside the temple of Mercury: Nanti alla porta di detto tempio vi sedeva una bella donna et molto altamente vestita, che tenea in mano una tavoletta d'assi de vari et quasi infiniti colori, et sopra di essa versi di cottal sogget- to: Sorte son io, mandata a te dal Dio Che in questo tempio vedi.

Lo ingannar altri è mio Costume, altri arrichir, ad altri i piedi Por sopra lo acquistato, alcun morire Faccio di doglia, e alcuno Viver contra'l desio e creder d'ogn'uno. A te vengo offerire Lo assentio e'I mel, perché di questo privi Il regno, e'n questo fortunato vivi. Factors which might sway our judgment in favor of Italian are once again the compli- cated rhyme scheme, and the fact that this perspective is situated in the center of the Italian commercial quarter and is concerned with com- merce and banking.

The thème is a colorful one: It might be felt that although in stylistic uniformity Scève's album gains from the suppression of such poems and their replacement with Virgi- lian or numismatic echoes, nonetheless some of the richness of the origi- nal festival has been sacrificed.

At the Grand Palais the composition containing the figure of Occasio also bore a number of inscriptions. Scève describes the key text as the one written along the base, which Salomon shows rather as painted on the vase: This cornes from twenty lines earlier in the text, where Venus is reas- sured about the destiny of Aeneas and his followers: The matching sentence on the right pilaster also dérives from Virgil, but has been given a much more positive twist: Although not visible in the engraving, the three tondi or medallions in the frieze were also inscribed in imitation of coins, and they continue the thème of universal monarchy.

The medallion portraying Ops and representing the earth was inscribed with an apparently original legend: This optimism extends to the sea, represented in the second medallion by Amphitrite, and confirmed in the legend: Cv; further adapted in the Lyon entry of Maria de' Medici as "Fructus spes certa futuri.

Inscriptions 77 style, and once again we are in doubt whether the pièce dérives from an original French huitain. Homai sforciata e pur contenta e pure Allegra, eccoti il mondo, Che ben dovuto a te ti porgo, Henrico.

Per te tranquille e per te fian sicure Le onde fin sotto'l fondo, E per te pace al universo iudico, Che, banditi odio e risse e crudeltade, Riman teco in suo loco l'aurea etade.

This ottava gives meaning to the médai- llons representing Earth and Sea, and reintroduces the thème of Henri's empire bringing back the Age of Gold, seen earlier in the trophy at the Griffon. This is another example of Scève's réduction of the thematic résonance of the entry.

The constructions erected by Ippolito d'Esté and the chapter around the cathedral were also embellished with inscriptions. The pedestal of the trophy in the cloisters, dedicated to the future victories of the king, bore the decidedly unimaginative and unclassical text: The doorway of the Archevêché also repeated an earlier thème in sporting statues of the two rivers and expressing their combined joy in the inscription placed hère by Scève and Le grand triumphe.

C2, gives two variant abbreviations: Only rarely is there any attempt to imitate the style of actual Roman inscriptions; there is some use of the form of numismatic legends; a number of the texts hâve also been made up by the planners and put into metric form.

But the great majority of thèse sentiments are adapted from literary rather than epigraphic sources, with a clear prédominance for texts from Vergil, and in his album Scève has rewritten several texts and suppressed numerous others. Mystères It had been traditional in earlier entries, such as that of , to hâve a séries of playlets or mystères performed at certain points along the triumphal route where estrades had been specially constructed.

The préparation of thèse performances was one of earliest éléments of the festival to be organized. Of the saynètes retained for the entry, the first involved a pièce with an Arcadian setting, intended at one stroke to flatter Diane de Poitiers and to replace the ceremony of the keys. B2, which speaks of "la préfiguration du présentement des Clefz. Mystères 79 playlet performed within the city walls in which Diana the huntress and her nymphs offered obédience to the queen.

Scève takes as much delight in describing the détail of their dress as he had for that of the participants in the parade, whereas neither Conegrani nor the Le grand triumphe share his enthusiasm. Not surprisingly, Diana wore the king's colors of black and silver, to which she had added crimson satin for her sleeves and boots; she and her com- panions sported coiffures laden with precious metals and stones, and they carried spears and hunting horns trimmed in the king's colors.

Crespin, , fols. Bardon, Diane de Poitiers et le mythe de Diane Paris: Misled by Scève's text, Brantôme, Oeuvres, 9: Où ce Lion, d'amour inusitée, S'est venu rendre en ceste nostre bande, Lequel soubdain à sa privauté grande l'ay recongneu, et aux gestes humains, Estre tout vostre. Aussi entre voz mains le le remetz et le vous recommande. In this rather uncomplicated text Diana lays stress on the dévotion of the city to Henri, as exemplified by the tameness of the lion.

O Aspettato et o chiamato spesso Dai Dei là in cielo, e da noi quà giù in terra, Et o temuto ugualmente sotterra Da chi, sprezzando Dio, perde se stesso. Da chi fe' i regni a governarli messo. Non per tenerli in sempiterna guerra. Ma perche conosciuto da ogn'un ch'erra, Fia il suo falir' in tua bontà rimesso.

Per le selve anco e per antri e per dumi Si estende il scettro tuo, sappiamolo noi, E per te incensi s'apparechia e doni. Teco percio lassati i sacri lumi Vivero sempre e fra mille altri heroi Ti ripporrô, s'el secolo abbandoni. Conegrani had no obvious reason to invent the poem he records; on the other hand, for once, the Scève text Aneau: If, as seems possi- ble, Diana originally delivered more than one speech, it is surprising that Scève opted for the parochial text expressing municipal dévotion rather than the heady sentiments about world conquest and eventual apotheosis; alternatively, it seems possible that Conegrani mixed this speech up with those of Immortality and Virtue in the next playlet, whose thème is the conquest of kingdoms.

Ail witnesses testify to the success with the king and court of this mystère, with Brantôme stressing in particular the erotic stimulus provid- ed to the courtiers by the actresses' legs, and the lasting pleasure given by the play to Diane de Poitiers. Despite the obvious allusion to the king's mistress in the choice of subject, this playlet was retained for the queen's entry on the following day. However, a change was made to the action: Vous présentons ceste amoureuse Beste, Qui de son gré tout à vous se présente.

The planners exploited the hill as the set for another Arcadian saynète: Sauvage's comment in appendix F. B3v, mentions six musicans dressed as satyrs.

Their playlet required them to make a présentation to the king; Immortality first giving him her golden crown, and then Virtue, her net full of castles and crowns.

Under- lining the thème of the Age of Gold in the inscriptions of this monu- ment, Immortality proclaims in her quatrain: L'heur, qui t'attend, d'immortalité digne, Faict retourner soubz toy l'eage doré.

Parquoy la France icy t'a honnoré De ce Trophée à ta vertu condigne. The figure of Virtue, as she hands over her haul of crowns, promises the king the universal monarchy echoed in the inscriptions hère and throughout the entry: Le temps aussi, lequel tout extermine, Esgallera la Famé à tes mérites. Sceptres rendant et couronnes petites A ta grandeur de Magesté bénigne. Virtue's speech about conquest was replaced by another quatrain extol- ling the queen's honor and virtue, in a punning style more reminiscent of the grands rhétoriqueurs than is normal in Scève, while adding oblique compliments on her offspring: Vous ha rendu sur toutes fleurissante, Encores plus de vostre fleur issante Se voit la France en vostre honneur heureuse.

Parquoy de vous estant toute amoureuse, Se resiouit de vous veoir iouissante Du bien osté à Fortune puissante, Pour mieulx vous rendre en terre glorieuse. However, although we note hère the same taste for word-games, we also observe that the quatrain has little to do with Immortality, and indeed it introduces a thème of earthly success and fortune which are out of place hère and more appropriate to later stages of the entry.

A theatrical backdrop had been painted at the Change showing a per- spective of either Troy or Athens. In front of this stood two actors: This playlet was more complicated than earlier ones in the entry because it involved the use of machines. As the king arrived, Neptune with his trident struck a rock, out of which emerged a mechanical horse, moving as if it were alive. De mon trident ce Cheval ie procrée, Non tant pour estre à l'homme familier, Que pour servir cest heureux Chevalier, Qui tout ce Siècle à son venir recrée.

There is a confusion between aquam and equum in some MS, see Ovid Met. She retorted to Neptune with her own quatrain: De ceste lance, où toute force encrée De Mars iadis confondoit les alarmes, De ses hayneux humiliant les armes, Luy rendra paix, qui tant au monde aggree. Henri II is the new roi-chevalier who is renewing the art of chivalry; by his victories he will impose peace on the world.

The inspiration for this scène is almost certainly an engraving by Antonio Fantuzzi published in France about and showing the two gods in dispute, with Neptune's horse burst- ing from the rock and Pallas' olive tree srpouting. Neptune, after performing the trick with the horse, proclaimed: Si ie voulus le Roy tant estimer.

Que mon Cheval dès Troye luy donnay, Ce mien Trident aussi vous destinay. Pour avec moy dominer la grand Mer. Pallas repeats her turn with her lance and then says: La France alors commenceant à aymer, Muay pour vous. Princesse sage et bonne, La guerre en paix, comme le Ciel s'adonne A voz vertus haultement consommer.

Editions des Musées Nationaux, , p. Although a play will be a major feature in the later stages of the visit to Lyon, the élément of live théâtre in the entry proper is only modest, no more than three short scènes, plus the rôle of the satyrs at Bour- gneuf , not forgetting the other musicians at Saint-Éloy.

It is évident that the planners preferred to drama the média of architecture and inscrip- tion, and that, at least in his final album, Scève preferred to express his message in Latin rather than in French; however, to judge from Sau- vage's comment, the inclusion of such playlets pleased the court.

The fourteen maids of honor accompanying the queen were also to be arrayed in silver. The only departure from thèse combinations of white, silver, and crimson was in the green velvet for the outfit of the lackey, who would lead her horse. However it was this green and white favor which most of the participants in the parade on the second day were to insert into their costumes in the queen's honor. The confréries marched by in the same order as before with the addi- tion of the queen's colors.

The members of the foreign colonies went to greater lengths by paying homage in outfits of the same colors as before, but of différent equally rich materials, and the lackeys of the Florentine merchants also sported the queen's green favor.

A change may also hâve been made at the Grand Palais, where Scève describes Occasio as offering Catherine a half-share in Henri's kingdom of world, but this may simply be a flattering gloss placed by the poet on the statue's gesture of proffering a globe.

Catherine was finally greeted at Porte-froc by Ippolito d'Esté, who took her to the cathedral, and then on to the Archevêché where he had arranged a great banquet and bail attended by the ladies of the court and of the city, the principal guests numbering some , an event mentioned only in passing by Scève but singled out for praise by Denis Sauvage.

Sua Maestà se ne partira e dirizzerà il suo camino per la volta de Molins et poi de San Ger- mano. The sculpture was placed on a square base dec- orated with the arms of the city and with the royal devices, crescents, pairs of bows, and monograms, It portrayed a seated king in Roman armor, before whom two standing figures presented yet another obeisant lion.

Thèse two figures, Faith and Liberality, were intended to be identi- fied from their attributes; however, it must be said, that for ail Scève's claims to classical précèdent, the iconography hère is more abstruse than usual.

Faith is seen holding a loaf in one hand and a vase in other. The vase had many allegorical associations,' but not usually with Faith, which was indicated by a ring, a seal, a diamond, a dog, or even a letter S. Lib- erality appears holding a tessere, a dice, with a disk under her right foot; the usual association of the dice is with the Grâces or with Fortune. A casual observer would hâve had diffi- culty recognizing either Faith or Liberality under thèse traits.

The gesture of thèse two goddesses is encapsulated in the accompany- ing inscription, which Scève, Aneau, and Du Choul had devised: However the consulat, trapped in financial straits, decided to lay stress on their own libéral expenditure for the king's entry, in return for which they hoped for a libéral and generous settlement of the city's penury.

It was not long before the city, locked in dispute with the royal treasury, regretted not having commissioned an extra gift for the chan- cellor. Unlike the king's gift, the sculp- ture was set on a triangular base, decorated with the arms of the city. The subject was broadly similar: Hill, A corpus ofltalian medals ofthe Renaissance before Cellini London, , nos.

From the top of the comucopice issued a Uly, a convenient symbol both of France and of Florence, which opened to reveal two busts of children, her second and third children, Elisabeth b. At the goddess's feet sat another older child, the dauphin François b. This was a highly predictable quotation, witness its earlier use in the wedding célébrations of Cosimo I as well as in Chichon's descrip- tion of Henri's coronation.

Already on the Tuesday evening the banker Panciatichi was able to report to the grand duke that the royal couple were delighted with the colony's dévotion, and this augured well for Florentine interests: Chichon, De adeptione regni et coronatione Henri Secundi Paris: Panciatichi, Tuesday 25 Sept. The design was a solid gold composite fleur-de- lys, 0. Standing on a triangular base like the city's statue, the lily's roots formed a canopy, underneath which lay a recumbent figure with broken wheel and torn sail, manifestly rep- resenting Fortune who has been defeated.

The horizontal bar from which the leaves spring provid- ed the base for three easily recognizable gold figurines: On top of the three vertical leaves of the plant was placed a golden globe representing the world, containing a vase of perfume which gave off a sweet smell through the top of the globe. This perfume alludes both to the flower itself and to the sensé of smell, evoking connotations with the sweet odor of Virtue, Piety, and Religion.

It would be instruc- tive to learn, for instance, what became of the costly silver model of the amphithéâtre of Nîmes presented to François I" after his entry. The fate of the gift made to the queen in Lyon is, however, both known and significant. Dovizi, La Calandra Padua: Antenore, , The events of the rest of the day provide an excellent example of variations in reporting by différent sources.

After lunch the royal party embarked in their two gondolas, and were taken to see the représenta- tives of the quartiers of Saint- Vincent and of Saint-George jousting on the Saône. Scève tells us nothing more, apart from the fact that the king particularly enjoyed this entertainment. Happily, Conegrani is less sparing of détails. He describes the flotilla which appeared at midday, made up of two galleys, six frigates, and two large Venetian-style gondolas.

It was after the inspection of the fleet that the aquatic jousting took place, described thus by Conegrani: Simeoni, Le satire alla Bemiesca Turin: This jousting was traditional in Lyonnais popular festivals, and had loomed large in the discontinued Fête des Merveilles; despite the abolition of this event, sports on the river had persisted as an élément in most public festivals, and they became the speciality of certain of the confré- ries, notably that of Saint-Vincent.

For Anne de Bretagne 's entry of Saint-Vincent had put on a river spectacle, and they were to do so again for the Swiss ambassadors in , for Jacques de Saint-André's entry, and for the peace célébrations in It was also customary for them to challenge another confrérie to jousting in , for instance, they put on a river battle against the basoche? We know from Guéraud that this could be accompanied by music and by artillery. Scève places on the same day the banquet at Rontalon, the visit to the new jeu de paume at Ainay, and in the evening the Florentine comedy.

The chronology is further complicated by the fact the Gué- raud records no events for the Thursday at ail; Conegrani loses a day in his week, describing Tuesday 25 as Tuesday 26 September, placing the naumachia and the comedy on the following day, and then giving the next day as Friday; and the Italian, F.

It would be tempting to accept Scève's chronology and dismiss the others, were it not for a letter from the Florentine agent and banker, Bartolommeo Panciatichi, who wrote to Cosimo I announcing the forthcoming play: If we assume that the day Conegrani has lost is the Tuesday, and that he meant to write Wednesday 26 September, then we arrive at this position: There is not enough évidence to décide, and so Scève's chronolo- gy will be followed hère for convenience, though there is reason to think that he has brought forward the date of the play.

The events of the Wednesday were orchestrated to make maximum use of the river. Each time the king's gondola moved, it was escorted by ' Guéraud, This day's sightseeing also included three major pièces of construction or décoration which were to outHve the other ephemera of the entry: Rontalon, the jeu de paume, and the théâtre.

As archbishop of Lyon, IppoUto enjoyed use of a property situated across the Saône and sHghtly downstream from Saint-Jean, between the Célestins and La Rigaudière, and thus between the présent Place Bellecour and the river. This proper- ty is described in an earlier document as une maison de plaisance, haulte, moyenne et basse, sur la rivière de Saulne One wall of the quadrangle was the garden façade of the house; the side along the river was made up of a row of houses; and at the end opposite the house was a garden wall in stone, which also ran along the street side, although a long pergola was erected against this wall.

In anticipation of the entry Ippolito had given both the house and gardens a major face-lift, which foreshadows the extraordinary landscap- ing he was to undertake shortly afterwards at Tivoli. Scève gives us little information about it, but the Italian translation adds a few détails. The façade giving on to the garden was also in the same contrasting colors, with false but highly convincing ' Lyon, arch. Against the garden façade Ippolito had constructed a massive wood- en pergola, or arbor, decorated with oakleaves, festoons, and shields; under this canopy, by the light of chandeliers hanging from its beams, the luncheon was served.

The pergola shown in the plan along the street wall of the garden may be a relie of this construction. At the far end of the gardens, which were laid out in regular alleys, he had placed painted perspectives against the wall, so that looking along thèse alleys the guests could see trompe-l'oeil effects.

The two bands of enfants de la ville, mounted and on foot, preceded by the officers who had led them for the entries, made their third appearance of the week, parading in the king's colors. They were presented to him, and they also waited at table during the lunch.

We hâve seen that this riverside court, specially commissioned by the consulat, had been completed in good time. Although the abbatial buildings of Ainay were sacked in , the tennis court seems to hâve survived into the eighteenth century. In the Plan scénographique, a jeu de paume is shown at Ainay, with players in action. K4v as a second match. The third part of the day's program involved another short trip up- river on the bucentaur from Ainay to the cathedral, escorted by the flo- tilla of other craft; since this coincided with tea-time, and since the king had just played or not played tennis, he was treated to refreshments on board.

The mechanical ceiling of the boat astonished those on board, as it was lowered on black and white cords and transformed into a table groaning with sweetmeats, which Scève describes as coming from Genoa, Spain, and Portugal and being wrought into the shapes of ani- mais colored in gold and blue, and embellished with the arms of mem- bers of the court. To accompany the solids from above, another ma- chine brought quantities of wines up from below, which moved Scève, and Denis Sauvage after him, to observe that the celestial gods were pro- viding the food, and the aquatic gods the drink.

The fleet arrived at the cathedral landing-stage at 5 pm. The Italian Théâtre It was a long-established custom for plays to be performed in Italian civic festivals; a good récent example had been the plays put on for the marriage of Cosimo de' Medici in On contemporary Florentine théâtre décorations see H.

Purkis, "La décoration de la salle et les rapports entre la scène et le public dans les mascarades et les intermèdes florentins, ," in J. The Italian Théâtre community was the prime mover in this initiative, though this is far from being the starting point of Lyonnais théâtre. However, apart from this short-lived experiment, the major impetus for public théâtre in Lyon came from the Florentines, who put on plays and mommeries, the latter involving a procession of actors in costume.

For the carnival they performed a comedy in the refectory of the abbaye d'Ainay in the présence of the abbot, Cardinal Gaddi, followed by a banquet for the nobility of the city.

Entrées royales, 31, Relazioni artistiche; il linguaggio architettonico Florence: Olschki, , In the description of the décoration of this théâtre, we hâve anoth- er example of the variation between différent sources. Scève dévotes only eighteen lines to this sumptuous and innovatory enterprise; but the Italian translater of the album, F. Unlike the préparations undertaken by the consulat, for which we hâve detailed accounts, the absence of cathedral accounts or detailed mention of this expenditure in the papers of Ippolito d'Esté in Modena, means that we hâve little idea of the costs involved: Gardes, Lyon, l'art et la ville Lyon, , 2: Apart from the portai placed on the façade, there does not appear to hâve been any other external décoration to the Archevêché.

But the internai transformations to both the banqueting hall and the Salle Saint- Jean were nothing short of lavish, embracing the work of painters, sculp- tors, and architects. There was an antechamber to the Salle Saint-Jean, whose Gothic features were masked by embellishments in a foretaste of the style of the théâtre itself. The ceiling was painted with sky and clouds, and the walls were decorated on three sides with a red serge frieze, 3.

The lower part of the wall bore painted rustication, as did the jambs of the three large windows in the west wall. The east wall was pierced by the large door which communicated with the new théâtre, a door 4. Above the pediment were affixed two gilded putti in half-relief holding up a massive crescent moon, the horns of which reached to the painted sky. This crescent was embellished with the royal motto, its first record- ed use in this entry: On each side of the entrance door stood a gilded terracotta figure 2.

Each figure pointed to a third large shield hanging from the architrave which bore the three gold Jleurs de lys of France; each pedestal bore an inscription, inaccurately transcribed in the album.

Corresponding to the two statues by the entrance were two gilded terracotta figures of women, on the west wall beneath the windows. One statue, clearly Victory, held a crown with a palm frond in it; the other held a white wax torch, which to judge by the Victory column outside, represents one of the cardinal virtues. Moving from the antechamber into the Salle Saint-Jean, the spectators were confronted with a more consistently classical décor, with ail the earlier Gothic, heraldic, or Christian features concealed.

The décor can be exam- ined hère progressively, considering in turn the architecture, sculpture, stage, lighting, and the seating. Milanesi Florence, , 5: Palagi, Di Zanobio Lastricati The Italian Théâtre entrance in the west wall, and the stage at the eastern end blotting out the monumental fireplace. Between thèse columns were five arches on each side, resting on pilasters 1. The colonnade was continued on the west wall, where six more columns stood with three arches in between, the entrance door pierced in the middle area.

Above the capitals and arches on ail three walls ran an entablature, 0. A red serge frieze almost 2 meters deep 3 braccio ran between this séries of pedi- ments and the ceiling was covered in canvas painted to imitate sky, affixed with stars and planets made from mirrors decorated with tinsel.

If each of the five arches along the side wall was VA braccia wide, and the space between each arch was 1 Vi braccia, this gives us an approx- imate length for the room of Similarly, the width of the room 3 arches comes to 9. We can also estimate the height of the théâtre: The length is greater than that of the chambre à parer of the design 9. Sculpture This architectural framework was filled with statues, which, like those of the antechamber, were mainly the work of the sculpter Zanobi. Twelve gilded terracotta statues, 2.

This anticipâtes the décor which was to be used in Antwerp for the entry of Philip of Spain. The six military statues to the right of the spectator, five on the south wall and one on the western entrance wall, could readily be iden- tified by the coat of arms hanging from the pediment above their niche and from accompanying inscriptions. They were dressed as ancient war- riors and wrongly claimed by Scève to be the ancestors of the Medici family, whose praise he seizes the opportunity to sing.

However, the Italian version correctly makes no such claim of ancestry. The first one, Lorenzo de' Medici , although no great warrior, no doubt earned his place as the father of Catherine de' Medici and as a Medici who had married into a French family. As the father of Cosimo I his place in Florence and Antwerp is more easily explained than in Lyon, where he might seem associated with the imperialist branch of the Medici, were it not for the fact that he had fought both for the papacy and for France against the empire.

The inclusion of the third, the fifteenth-century condottiere Filippo Buondelmonti degli Scolari Pippo Spano, , who was also to be celebrated at Antwerp, is clearly uncontroversial because of his heroic struggles against the Turk on behalf of the king of Hungary.

The fourth, the Ghibelline Farinata degli Uberti c. The thread linking thèse six condottieri is that they ail saw service away from Florence: The Italian Théâtre To the left of the stage was a matching séries of statues, five on the north wall and one on the western entrance wall, dressed in antique togas and holding books.

The first three held their books open, the last three closed; the first three wore laurel crowns, the fourth an oak crown; and the last two no crown. As with the military statues, their coats of arms hung from the pediments above. Again Scève misunder- stands the nature of this group, claiming that they were ail Florentine poets. The Italian translation simply calls them togati, men of letters as opposed to the warriors opposite. The first is the late-Imperial poet Claudian, wearing a laurel crown and holding an open book; his prés- ence may be explained by the legend that his parents were Floren- tine.

The last two statues form a stylistic pair, neither wearing a crown, perhaps because they are commentators, and both carry closed copies of their magna opéra: Ail of thèse figures bear witness to the versatility of Florentine talents and to the dissémination of her culture.

This gallery of heroes makes a fascinating comparison with the one con- structed for Philip in Antwerp. Lyon is striking in having no religious figures at ail, while Antwerp has Saints Zanobio and Antonio, together with an allegorical figure of Religione.

But Lyon also has no place for artists, whereas Antwerp célébrâtes Giotto and Michelangelo with the figure of Dea Industria, and sees modem artists as superior to their Greek forbears; it was clearly an innovation in Antwerp to place artists on a par with poets or warriors.

Liber de civitatis Florentiae famosis civibus, éd. Galletti Florence, , Grapheus, Spectaculorum in susceptione Philippi Hisp. Antwerpiae aeditorum mirificus apparatus Antwerp: Coecke d'Alost, , fol. What unités the choice of thèse two Florentine colonies is the désire to represent predominately modem heroes, rather than the usual patron saints, legendary figures, or ancestors of rulers, and to lay stress on pride in the literary traditions of Florence and in the Tuscan language which the new Florentine Academy was promulgating.

However, the Antwerp entry was more clearly identified with the emperor's ally Cosimo I, while in Lyon, apart from the statue of his father who was not openly committed to Spain, there was no référence to the current duke. Tuscan towns Between the columns of each arch around the walls there was a space about one meter wide on which was painted a séries of allegorical figures, four on each side wall and one on each side of the door: The women portraying the towns were ail crowned, the maies uncrowned.

On the south side there were five figures representing Pisa, Volterra, Cortona, Borgo San Sepol- cro, and by the door the récent acquisition of Castrocaro, the first four represented by crowned women and the last by an uncrowned man. Each city was identified by an emblem, which in no case corresponds to the municipal coat of arms: Pisa was recognizable from the anchor carried by the woman, no doubt because of the city's significance as a port; the woman representing Volterra held a boat, above which was the head of Janus Bifrons; Cortona's heroine carried a gold cup with a lid; Borgo San Sepolcro was identified by the two papal keys held by the woman; but Castrocaro was separated from the others both by being on a différent wall and by appearing as an uncrowned man holding a rod.

On the left wall were five more figures representing Fiesole, Arezzo, Pistoia, Prato, and Montepulciano, the first three being a group of crowned women, and the last two a boy and a man, both uncrowned. Fiesole's représentative had torn clothes, and she held a bowl containing a set-square, a small mallet, and compassés; Arezzo clutched a large cor- nucopia while Pistoia held a smaller version; the two maie figures por- trayed Prato, a boy holding a gold cup without a lid, and Montepul- ciano, an old man holding a small hillock.

Several of the towns are common to both Lyon and Florence: The stage Nothing so far in the décor announces that the room in question is a théâtre: However, the east wall changes ail this, as do the contents of the room. Zemer, "Vitruve et le théâtre de la Renaissance italienne," in J. Le lieu théâtral à la Renaissance Paris: The spectators could recognize the skyHne of the city, the dôme and the campanile of the cathedral, and the tower of the Palazzo Vecchio, the whole view emulating the cityscape designed for the Urbino performance.

There is no frons scaenae, and instead of the versurae we hâve, as in Serlio, two loggia-like wings, hère topped with gilt balustrades pro- jecting towards the audience, and painted with colossal figures of Sam- son on the right and Hercules on the left. At the base of each wing was the painted perspective of a large grated window with eponymous lions looking through it, and between the two windows, along the front of the stage, a trompe l'oeil painted staircase, whose lifelikeness misled people into thinking that they could climb it on to the stage.

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